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The sadistic intimacy of Isthafa Ibrahim Manik and Maumoon Gayyoom By Mohamed Ibrahim Sandhaanu 17 April 2004 Part 1 of an article that appeared in Sandhaanu under the headline: After murdering people secretly, Isthafa resigns 'respectfully' translated with new headline and photo captions by Maldives Culture editors 1 May 2004 Isthafa Ibrahim Manik from Oakum house in Henveiru ward on Male' island was not a high ranking NSS officer. His official position was Executive Director General of the Defence Ministry. He also holds other positions – member of the Majlis, executive director of the Public Servants' Club, secret military judge of the Defence Ministry, and lawyer for the ex-Prison's Division.   Maumoon Gayyoom and Isthafa Ibrahim Manik 2003 Although Isthafa Ibrahim Manik held a lower official position than the state minister for the Defence Ministry Anbaree Abdul Sattar Adam (Anbaree), Isthafa actually wielded such power that he was second only to Maumoon Abdul Gayyoom, the commander of the National Security Service (NSS). Isthafa had no official uniform like Gayyoom, Anbaree and the head of the police Major-general Adam Zahir, and except on rare occasions Isthafa had no bodyguard. There was no flag on his car, but without Isthafa's presence Gayyoom would not hold a serious meeting with the NSS. At official public occasions such as NSS annual meetings, Anbaree and other high ranking officers were required to wear their uniforms but Isthafa would be dressed in a suit like Maumoon Gayyoom. The relationship between Maumoon and Isthafa was much closer than Gayyoom's relationship with any of his cabinet ministers. Adam Zahir has critically commented to his officers about the intimate relationship between Isthafa and the president. Maldives leading torturer promotes another torturer. Chief of police Adam Zahir promoted to rank of major-general by Maumoon Gayyoom April 2004 Normally, cabinet ministers receive instructions from Gayyoom through executive secretary Shahid or state minister Mohamed Hussein, but Gayyoom contacted Isthafa directly and because the president might phone him anytime, Isthafa always kept his mobile phone switched on. Sandhaanu has been told by a close associate of Isthafa that if Maumoon rings, Isthafa would answer the phone even if it meant interrupting his prayers. Sometimes Isthafa would answer the phone during his prayers, thinking it was Maumoon, but it turned out to be someone else. People rarely experienced the real Isthafa. He put on a polite persona in public, very similar to the Gayyoom's own public manner. Anyone seeing him returning from his early morning exercise would think he was just an ordinary man, but anyone who knew what Isthafa was really like would not dare to look him in the eyes. People knew from bitter consequence that upsetting Isthafa meant spending a period in Gaamaadhoo or Dhoonidhoo prisons. In order to spread propaganda and hear the public's views on the street, Isthafa traveled on foot or rode his bicycle to the Public Servants' Club. He drove his car only very rarely. Isthafa memorised every article of the constitution and the penal code, and knew these documents better than any lawyer. Until October 2002, he held all power related to the prisons in Maldives. Arresting people, releasing people, imprisoning and releasing people from prison, holding people under house arrest and releasing them, banishing or pardoning, charging people or releasing people without charge; all of these matters were carried out at his discretion. To do this, no official position was necessary. He had people arrested and released as he relaxed at home or enjoyed himself at the Public Servants' Club. There were about fifteen staff with varying levels of legal knowledge at the Defence Department, all acting under his orders. Their responsibility was to brief him about those people under investigation. Briefings about investigations were given at a time of his choosing. Even when Isthafa was outside the country, these staff members were required to brief him on these matters by phone. When he received a file on anyone, Isthafa would issue alarmingly quick instructions regarding what was to happen to that person. When the investigations were completed, Isthafa would issue instructions about the particular law the person was to be prosecuted under, or banish the person for a particular period, or order their immediate release. The attorney-general was also required to obey the orders coming from Isthafa's desk. If the attorney-general refused to prosecute a person as ordered by Isthafa, and sent the case back, a letter from the president's office would come to the attorney-general to issue an indictment as originally instructed by Isthafa. Only Isthafa was allowed to read all letters addressed to the defence minister or Maumoon Gayyoom. They were received at Isthafa's desk. Letters of complaint from people who had been tortured in prison or from their families addressed to the Minister for Defence arrived only at Isthafa's desk. Those letters were placed in a special file and Isthafa personally would take them to Maumoon Gayyoom. The measures taken regarding such letters were kept from Isthafa's closest female assistants, in case they might discover the truth. Even a letter addressed to defence minister Anbaree would only reach Anbaree after being censored at Isthafa's desk. Isthafa received daily records of every torture carried out in prison and a list of names of prisoners undergoing torture. He would send that list to president Gayyoom the next day. When Gayyoom requested them, Isthafa would send videos or photographs of people being tortured. Gayyoom knew every detail of the torture carried out in prison, and did nothing to stop it. Like Gayyoom, Isthafa deserves the title of torturer. It was Isthafa's job to create fear in the hearts of people by torturing people to maintain Gayyoom's rule. Isthafa obtained his promotions by showing the power of torture. Isthafa played a major part in preventing the public from learning that torture in prison disabled fit people and caused deaths. If the torture of an inmate became impossible to hide, those officers who actually carried out the torture would be dismissed and sent to court. This was to fool the public. In August 1998, there was a confrontation between the prisoners and the NSS. The prisoners were able to win on that occasion and made the NSS run for cover. Afterwards, the prisoners experienced a new round of revenge torture. Part 2 top

Maldives Culture related articles Part 2 Isthafa Ibrahim Manik's role in the death of Evaan Naseem and shootings at Maafushi prison Maldives Endemic Human Rights Abuse in Paradise The culture of torture in the Maldives NSS: Victims tell their stories Torture lies at the heart

Maldives Culture is an independent internet magazine of Maldive cultural issues.
Editors and translators: Michael O'Shea and Fareesha Abdulla, Australia
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