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Maldives: 'Unique Democracy' Run By Typical Autocrat 5 Sept 2004 Graphics added by Maldives Culture
Who’s in charge Re-elected in October 2003, following presidential elections in which he was the only candidate, President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom is Asia's longest-serving leader, having governed the Maldives since 1978. The President has been reported as describing the Maldives as a “unique democracy”. A more accurate description of the political situation in the Maldives is that the country is suffering under the rule of an autocrat. Gayoom's rule is characterised by complete government control of the media, rampant nepotism and corruption, executive control of the judiciary and the legislature, a brutal National Security Service (NSS), a prohibition on opposition political parties and repression of all forms of criticism and political dissent. Not only is Mr. Gayoom President of the Republic of Maldives, he also holds the positions of Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces and of the Police, Minister of Defence and National Security, Minister of Finance and Treasury and Governor of Maldives Monetary Authority. The President appoints the Cabinet and one-sixth of Parliament, and under the Constitution, he is given the "supreme authority to propagate the tenets of Islam". Mr. Gayoom also has control over the judiciary, enjoying the power to appoint and dismiss judges, and to review and overturn decisions of the High Court. Promises, promises Since the September 2003 civil riots in Male', which were sparked when a prison inmate was beaten to death by guards, the abysmal human rights record of the Government of the Maldives has increasingly come under the spotlight. Subject to growing international scrutiny, and faced with rising discontent within the population and growing political opposition overseas, President Gayoom responded by announcing in February 2004 his intention to introduce reforms. Unfortunately for the President, early token gestures, such as setting up a largely ineffectual Human Rights Commission, were not enough to appease the international community. Nor could they stem the tide of the growing pro-democracy movement, exemplified by the remarkable success of the opposition party, the Maldivian Democratic Party (MDP), in the People’s Special Majlis (constituent assembly) election in May 2004, where it won 55 percent of the votes cast despite an official ban on the Party forcing it to operate in exile out of Sri Lanka. Faced with this growing threat, the President was forced to step up the rhetoric. “Historic and far reaching constitutional reforms” On 9 June 2004, during an “informal” meeting which he convened “to share some of his ideas on constitutional reform” the President revealed his new proposals for amending the constitution. These proposed amendments included changing the manner in which the President is elected so that he is either directly elected by the people, or by voting on candidates endorsed by the Majlis, divesting the President of any role in the judiciary and creating a supreme court as the highest court of appeal, stipulating the number of terms any one person can hold office, creating the office of Prime Minister and providing “for the right to form and carry out the activities of political parties in accordance with the law”. According to his government’s press releases, his speech “was punctuated by rapturous applause” and “was greeted by a standing ovation”.
While many greeted the proposals with enthusiasm, others, only too aware of past experience, were skeptical. The President himself has admitted that the most recent proposals were part of an “ongoing process” which had been initiated in the 1980s. In 1979 Gayoom proposed similar reforms, however after delaying the process for 18 years he managed to secure unfettered power for himself. The current constitution, which took 17 years to finalise, only came into force on 1 January 1998. Yet now, only six years later, the President feels the need to amend it. As one jaded Maldivian stated, “Gayoom believes he can improve on his constitution which, a few years back, he claimed was perfect. The question is if perfection took 17 years how long would improvement upon perfection take?” Moreover, Gayoom still holds a majority in the Special Majlis, leading some to predict that he will again blame the Special Majlis when they will not pass the reforms. Crackdown The political situation continued to heat-up when, on 19 July 2004, during the first sitting of the new constitutional assembly, 24 Members of Parliament staged a walkout after Mr. Abdulla Hameed, the Acting Speaker and brother of the President, proposed that the new Speaker be elected by a show of hands instead of a secret ballot as is required under Article 133 the Constitution.
It has been reported that many Members were frightened to vote openly due to fear of government reprisal. Predictably, the Chief Government spokesman, Ahmad Shaheed, told BBC News that "allegations that members of the assembly may be intimidated are simply not true." The situation reached crisis point on 13 August 2004 when police and security forces used teargas and rubber bullets to disperse a crowd of peaceful pro-democracy protesters. Approximately 5,000 demonstrators had taken to the streets calling for greater democracy, the release of political prisoners who had recently been arrested and the resignation of cabinet ministers and the President.
Approximately 180 people were arrested, including many prominent members of the pro-democracy movement. Among those arrested were Mohamed Monawar, former Attorney General and member of the Citizen’s Majlis, as well as six other members of parliament. The members of the People’s Special Majlis who were arrested were amongst the 24 who walked out of the first sitting back in July.
The arrests and the brutal treatment of the peaceful demonstrators caused Amnesty International to urge the Government of the Maldives to adhere to international human rights standards. According to the Maldivian Democratic Party, two of its members, Muad Zaki and Ziyad were so badly beaten that they were transferred to intensive medical care. According to witnesses, Dr. Munawwar was also beaten severely by NSS officers during his arrest. The government, however, denied allegations of police brutality. The President reacted to the demonstrations by declaring a State of Emergency “to prevent deterioration of Law and Order”. The emergency order gives President Gayoom the power to suspend fundamental rights and to take all measures necessary to protect national security and public order. Then, on 14 August 2004, in a move which has been described by Reporters Without Borders as “a grave and irresponsible step [which] is unprecedented anywhere in the world”, Internet and SMS services were disconnected in order “to safeguard the national security of the country”. Despite the Presidents assurances on 17 August 2004 that “life in Male has returned to normal”, the state of emergency has not been lifted and the curfew, which was imposed indefinitely, remains in place. Damage control… and a pay rise On 16 August 2004, the Chief Government Spokesman declared that the gathering of the “mob” was “an attempt to derail the Government’s reform agenda”. The fact that the “mob” consisted of pro-democracy activists has been denied. Instead, the government claims that the “mob” comprised “various unruly elements”, which included “religious extremists and dangerous felons”. The second session of the People’s Special Majlis reconvened on 26 August 2004. In the absence of the seven who continued to be detained, the Members “condemned the acts of those who got involved in the incidents of 12th and 13th” of [August]”. Interestingly, the President had passed a motion to ensure that a pay rise was on the agenda for that session. Predictably, the international community has reacted with alarm. Amidst calls for the application of EU sanctions, an EU fact-finding mission was soon dispatched to the country, with the delegation requesting access to the persons detained following the demonstration, including the seven parliamentarians and the member of the Maldivian Human Rights Commission. Although the government has claimed that the mission was invited in order to boost efforts to implement democratic reform, it has been reported that it was the European diplomats who initiated the visit. Now in damage control mode, the President has dispatched special envoys to Sri Lanka, Pakistan, India, the UK, Germany, Italy, Singapore, Malaysia, China and Japan in order to “clarify” the reasons for the State of Emergency and brief them of the “facts” surrounding the incident. The importance of ensuring that the incidents did not affect the country’s tourism industry was emphasised. Hanging on Past experience has shown that those waiting for President Gayoom to deliver on his promises for reform should not hold their breath. Predictably, the President refuses to loosen his grip on power and is demonstrating the drastic measures that he will take to ensure that the pro-democracy movement does not take hold. The international community must look beyond the President’s insincere promises, and apply sustained pressure to ensure the implementation of the genuine democratic reform that the people of the Maldives are now demanding. |
Maldives Culture is an independent internet magazine of Maldive cultural issues.
Editors and translators: Michael O'Shea and Fareesha Abdulla, Australia
We invite contributions from Maldivians and others interested in Maldives.
Contributions and comments - mc_editors@hotmail.com
